The Virtue Of Violence
Violence is an asset each of us is born with. Some of us little. Some of us much. We can increase that asset, or fail to.
We give that asset to the state to manage on our behalf. And if they abuse it, we must rescind it, and use it to establish a government that will make better use of it.
The norm of ‘Property’ cannot be created without the application of violence. Markets and cities in the west did not evolve. They were created. They were created by the application of violence. The martial system consisting of a technology-employing minority, required the equestrian nobility to finance and arm itself, and to fight independently.
That system is the source of western uniqueness – the “balance of power.” The “game-like social order” was unique and still is so. From that balance of power came debate. From debate reason. From reason science. From science the rest of the west’s exceptionalism. Violence is a virtue, not a vice. Violence is the source of reason. It is the source of science. It is the source of property, and property is the source of prosperity.
The concept of Violence has been sanitized from discourse and debate under the auspices of being a ‘fee’ for entering the conversation. It is a cheap fee in our era. But it is a fee none the less. The fact that we willingly pay this discounted cost should not confuse us into assuming violence does not exist. To do so is to assume our manners are necessary truths rather practical conveniences. It is to lose sight of the very reason we debate int he first place: as a proxy for violence. As a less expensive means of determining the use of property.
About

Curt Doolittle
Seattle, WA, United States
I am an independent theorist of Political Economy in the Conservative Libertarian tradition. And as a methodological Propertarian I attempt to complete the work of Rothbard and Hoppe by suggesting post-democratic political solutions for heterogeneous polities.Purpose
"De Philosophia Aristocratia"
Anglo Conservatism is the remnant of the European Aristocratic Manorial system and the Classical Liberal philosophy of the Enlightenment, combined with our ancient tribal instincts for group persistence and land-holding. It currently consists as a set of sentiments rather than as an articulated rational philosophy. And without that rational articulation, conservatives lack the ability to create and promote a plan that is a positive and rhetorically defensible alternative to the hazards of accidental bureaucracy and purposeful socialism.This lack of an articulated philosophy leaves conservatives vulnerable in the public debate with Schumpeterian public intellectuals whose advantage in both volume of production, and simplicity of argument poses a nearly insurmountable challenge.
Libertarianism by contrast, is a rational philosophy of an articulate but permanent minority. It is based upon a solid, rational and critical methodology, even if it is flawed in its initial assumption: the principle of non-violence.
Unfortunately the Rothbardian Anarchist movement has appropriated the term "Libertarian", and left Classical Liberals and Conservatives alienated from the only system of thought with which they need to articulate their political sentiments in rational and empirical rather than moralistic and sentimental form.
By repairing the flaws in Libertarian philosophy we can use its methodology to provide a rhetorical solution for conservatives - a language which in turn may become an articulated philosophical body of argument and advocacy for the frustrated conservative majority.
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