Moral Foundations as Property Rights

(a central concept of Propertarianism)

Of Haidt’s evolutionary origins of moral intuitions, three can be expressed as individual property rights:

    1. Care/harm for others, protecting them from harm. (The asset of life and body.)
    2. Proportionality/cheating, Justice, treating others in proportion to their actions. (The asset of goods.)
    3. Liberty/Oppression, characterizes judgments in terms of whether subjects are tyrannized. (The asset of time, opportunity.)

And three others can be expressed as community property rights covering social capital. Which obviously enough, have been, and continue to be, mirrored in corporate shareholder agreements.

    4. In-Group Loyalty/In-Group Betrayal to/of your group, family, nation, polity.
    5. Respect/Authority/Subversion for tradition and legitimate authority.
    6. Purity/Sanctity/Degradation/Disgust, avoiding disgusting things, foods, actions.

It should be noted that the male reproductive strategy among chimpanzees as well as humans evolved to kill off males in opposing groups and collect females. And that females evolved to place greater emphasis on children and females than the (fungible) tribe.

As such the distribution of moral intuitions varies in intensity between the feminine (1-3) and the masculine (4-6). This difference in moral intuitions roughly reflects the voting pattern we have seen since the enfranchisement of women into the electorate: an increase in the use of political violence to produce an increase in the female reproductive strategy (individual dysgenic reproduction) and a decrease in the male reproductive strategy (tribal eugenic reproduction).

When I first read a paper by Jonathan Haidt, years ago now, I immediately understood the implication.  Just as the ten commandments are reducible to “There is but one law: property, and thou shalt not steal”, all our moral rules can be reduced to one: “thou shalt not steal directly or indirectly, by action or inaction.”  These rules are genetic in origin.  They are necessary and immutable.

Propertarian Class Theory

Weapon of Coercion (influence)
Product of Coercion

Suppress Disorder..Organize Production..Resistance...Goods


Humans are capable of only three means of coercion: violence, payment and gossip. Every society produces specialists (elites) in the three means of coercion, violence, payment and gossip, and one non-coercive group: producers. The size of each group varies and the power varies. But because of the limited choices available for coercion, this law of social orders exists of necessity everywhere at all points in time

Masculine Aristocratic Eugenic vs Female Gossip(priestly) Dysgenic.

I should probably alter this chart so that it operates on three axis to show how aristocrats, oligarchs and priests/academics/public-intellectuals seek rents.

I have been working on this for years and there appears to be no compromise to maintaining the balance of these powers. Anglos had the correct model. The greeks and romans did. We simply lacked the technology (communication and data storage) to extend enfranchisement, and the lower classes were too disgusting (hedonistic and fertile) to include in the power structure.

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Economic Rents create lost opportunities for exchange. A cost.  They grant a privilege whose results are incalculable (unavailable because profit and loss are externalized) and therefore unmeasurable (comparable with other investments) and invisible (they are forgotten and never rise again), instead of creating a calculable, measurable, investment and return for the polity.

Unfortunately, democracy – majority rule – forces us to create these lost opportunities to exchange rents and privileges which are incalculable.

Furthermore, the pooling of taxes into general funds,  rather than charging fees for services, for the payments of debts, and collecting returns on investments, create opportunities for rents. It is this system of rents that we systemically MUST construct under democracy. Democracy does not let us do otherwise.

Worse, it is this system of rents, that allows the predatory and parasitic rent-seeking bureaucracy to exist, and expand like a cancer uncontrollably.

Conversely, if we enforced (a) a universal requirement for operational calculability, (b)universal standing for the prosecution of rent seeking, (c) and the negotiation of contracts, rather than the competition for rents in order to obtain power necessary to issue laws (commands), then it is impossible to seek rents. And even if rents are somehow obtained, impossible to hold them.

Yet enforcing (a)(b)(c) does not require that we abandon the construction of commons. Only that we abandon the rentiers. So while it was necessary to centralize rents in order to extinguish family, guild and tribal rents, it is now equally necessary to ban rents permanently.

All that is required is contracts instead of laws, universal standing, and operational calculability.

Neo-Reaction in a Nutshell: We Are Ruled By A Theocracy – An Evil One.

(worth repeating)

The central proposition of neo-reaction is that the enlightenment was dangerously optimistic about humans, human nature, and the state; and that as a consequence, society is just as religious as ever it was, with an official state religion of progressivism: the promise of an aristocracy of everyone. It is another “good-news” religion, telling us what we wish to hear, but about this world instead of the next.

Instead of the church teaching supernatural analogy, we have academia, public intellectuals and the state all preaching the new religion of progressivism. And this new religion, is an evil religion: pseudoscientific rather than supernatural, irrational rather than logical, dishonest rather than allegorical, consumptive and destructive rather than accumulative, dysgenic rather than evolutionary, and suicidal rather than exceptional.

And so, western philosophy didn’t go wrong four years ago, or ten years ago, or eighty years ago – but it went fundamentally and terribly wrong over three centuries ago, with the enlightenment.

We had already evolved the best form of government yet devised: a market for production of private goods and services, and a house for each of the classes to produce common goods and services we cannot produce in the market alone.

And our only significant error was to fail to grasp that the church: the representative of the common people, served as one of those houses of government, and should not have been separate from the other two: the long term interests of the martial land owners, the medium term interests of entrepreneurial banking, production and trade. Instead, we handed the aristocracy and commerce to the new church: the academy and its priesthood the public intellectuals. America is ruled by a theocracy.

The central problem of any post-hunter-gatherer society, engaged in production, is to ensure that the fecundity of the unproductive does not eradicate the increases in productivity of the creative – but that those increases are accumulated as a competitive advantage against the fecundity of not only our own relations, but of those who would replace us. Otherwise all innovation is translated into population expansion rather than advancement. Northern european civilization succeeded faster than all others, in no small part because it concentrated reproduction in its upper classes, not in expanding the burden of its lower classes.

Neo-reaction then, is an articulate and accurate criticism of the enlightenment and its evidentiary failure culminating in the late 20th century – including the rejection of the ideology by the adoption of totalitarian consumer capitalism everywhere other than the west. Propertarianism, including Aristocratic Egalitarianism, Testimonial Truth and Operationalism provide the logical and institutional solution to the problem of cooperation among competing interests we call ‘politics’, that the Enlightenment, and Neo-Reaction did not.


People who live in tents, ride animals, and shepherd other animals, talk about beliefs. People with fixed capital, who live in castles talk about laws. There is a reason for that.

When you ask people to value something that’s an informal institution we call belief.

When you tell people that property is a rule that you cannot violate, that’s a formal institution we call law.

The first is religion. The second is government.

Is your brand of liberty for goatherds living in tents (religion) that requires belief, or for engineers, builders and craftsmen, (government) that requires laws?

People who live in tents have very simple property. They need very simple laws.

Liberty in modernity isn’t for simpletons.

Try not to think like one.

I Know This Line Of Inquiry Is Frustrating for Friends

I want to also chime in that I am thankful for the  friends who support, follow, resist, challenge me on my journey every day. I have made and lost both. And I know that my current line of inquiry is really exasperating for some – if not offensive. (It would have been offensive to me at some point in my learning curve.) But I am pretty confident I will solve the rest of the problem of preventing deception in politics within the next six months to a year. I can sense it. I just cannot say it quite yet. But even then, I am quite sure, that my articulation of ancient indo-European truth, testimony, operationalism and instrumentalist, will make it possible to construct a line of thinking that if enough of us practice will make deception nearly impossible by verbalist means. And if that is true, then we can construct the common law such that we that treat truth as the same commons of forgone opportunity as as property, and prohibit the involuntary transfer of property of all types not just by fraud or omission, or by indirection, but by obscurantism, loading, framing and overloading. This may seem terribly alien, and of course, one could run with this idea as others have recently, but they are merely confused about when property is transferred. We are certainly able to conduct whatever private exchanges we want. But to attempt to use the commons as a vehicle for theft is something we can prevent. And we can now look at both the third to fifth century and the mid nineteenth through twenty-first century as eras by which an aristocratic commons was used for the purpose of theft and corruption on brutal scales. And we must understand the meaning of that statement. An aristocratically constructed TRUST commons, as well as its formal institutions of academia, and its commercial institutions in the media, was used to distribute deceptions by obscurantist analogy. Lies that are only possible under aristocratic, testimonial, truth.

Falsehoods, Assumptions and Justifications

Marxists assume people will voluntarily work (if they are honest).

Libertines (Libertarians) assume people will voluntarily be honest (if they are honest).

Neocons assume people desire democracy (if they are honest).

And each of those assumptions is clearly false.

Why is it that we accept falsehoods?

Is it nothing more than our genes causing words to come out of our mouths?

We Can *Suggest* Liberty Is Better for All…

Yes, we can suggest that liberty is better for all, but that doesn’t stand scrutiny. Yes, liberty,for at least some of us, is a better social order for all. And probably, Liberty for those who desire it, and socialism for those that don’t, is better for all, than liberty for all.

But we do not do what is better for us. We smoke, eat fattening carbs, fail to get exercise, waste time on vapid entertainment, spend money we don’t have, marry bad mates out of fear and desperation, have too many children, practice unsafe sex, operate dangerous machines when intoxicated – including the dangerous machines of our bodies and mouths. And that is just the little stuff.

Liberty is a minority philosophy favored by the natural aristocracy at all levels of society. It cannot ever exist as a majority system outside of a large extended family (tribe). It can exist for that aristocracy, if, as in the past, that aristocracy fights to preserve liberty, and allows all others to join the contract of liberty at will.

But liberty cannot be outsourced any more than can thinking.

Free riding on that level of risk isn’t possible.

Consequences: The Unloaded Language of Autistics

It is interesting, as an autistic, who thinks in almost entirely spatial terms, and who, for many, many years, as struggled to find a language for communicating those ideas in as unloaded form as I visualize them (and found it), to watch one’s own skill improve with constant practice, to the point where one sees all humans making similar mistakes using loaded language of convention that they do not understand except as loose associations. Whereas as an autistic a loose association is extremely uncomfortable, if not disturbing – something to be avoided at all costs. We lacked (prior to the work I’m doing) a language for communicating ‘loaded’ social concepts in unloaded form, and had to rely on the closest analogies available (physics and science) as proxies. But those analogies are only that – not descriptions, but analogies, and human behavior is not, like the physical universe, insulated from heuristic and constant changes in relations, methods, and properties.

I have always been able to identify autistic speech, but it wasn’t until recently that I understood that we all do exactly the same thing – sense a reality that we have no words for, and cannot quite complete, and frustratingly use analogies unsuited to the application to express those ideas. These analogies are useful because they lack the loading that rather ‘poetic’ human discourse develops with use, like the marks in an old an still functioning machine part – still useful for the original purpose but no longer suitable for the fine work it was originally designed to produce.

Normals do not shy from loaded speech – they revel in it. They use it to attempt to persuade or lie to one another that the world is, or should be one way or another. Truth is undesirable unless it advances that world view. And our world views are but representations that suit our reproductive strategies. Truth is for aristocracy.

Is propertarianism but the logical consequence of attempting to solve autistic speech in the social sciences? Its Propertarianism – the formal logic of cooperation – merely the natural result of an autistic mind’s frustration at the inability to express ideas in unladen form? Am I just a genetic machine, probabilistically, if not deterministically, producing an available output given that the patterns developed in multiple fields of inquiry made such a leap possible given human ability to form parallels between patterns of limited difference?

I don’t really like to think about life in those terms, because it’s dehumanizing. But I suspect that is closer to the truth than not.

I wonder if propertarianism can help all autistics, as it can help normals. But I suspect that the truth it provides us with is further alienating.

He who breeds wins, and the locusts breed better than the lions.

Looking From The Shoulders of Giants

No one in history has made it this far. Standing on the shoulders of giants and all that, sure. But it’s a more humbling recognition of the human condition than I want to really accept. And it feels a bit like standing on the edge of a canyon looking into the abyss. “What lies beyond here?”

Why is the answer, in retrospect, so obvious, but the the near universal human desire to rail against such an answer, and resort to comforting imagination so passionate?

I am getting my arms around it and I do understand how, I think, but I don’t understand WHY yet. And I think that while I can reason it out from the evidence, that scientists will need to determine whether or not its genetic.

I always assume the HBD folks are overstating things. But I am beginning to think there is some truth to the ***tendency*** to bias very sophisticated ideas in certain directions just as strongly as we bias our behavior in justifying outright reproductive, and reproductively moral (reproductive strategy) directions.

If so, we are far more automatons than I really would like us to be.

I do not want all of our history of thought scientific, secular and mythical to be little more than a dance of justification to reach the nash equilibrium.