Notes on Fukuyama’s Origins Of Political Order
THE CHINESE INVENTED THE STATE FIRST
No doubt.
As an advocate of the hoppian concept of private governmnet, I don’t actually think that the ‘state’ is a ‘good’. I see it as a ‘bad’. Throughout the book, he assumes that the bureaucratic state is a ‘good’, when his analysis clearly shows that it’s a ‘bad’ thing. He does not tie economics into his argument except as a correlative result.
THREE PRINCIPLES OF THE STATE ACCORDING TO FUKUYAMA
1. The Monopoly Of Violence – The Concentration Of Power Over Property
2. The Rule Of Law – Rules That Limit The Actions Of Those With A Monopoly On Violence
3. Accountability – Morally (Ostracization), Legally (threat), or Electorally Accountable (exchange)
(Parenthetic comments added to show how this corresponds to the three types of coercion theory.)
ORIGINS OF POLITICS IN BIOLOGY
Fukuyama states that the origins of our political behavior is biological due to:
1. Kin Selection – Favor the number of genes you share with them
2. Reciprocal Altruism
I dont think so, and I think that’s where he makes his mistake. I think that Haidt (relying on the work of… OMG I can’t find it) has undermined the argument for reciprocity or at least split it into two different traits. We limit the ability of purely violent alphas to dominate us, and in doing so develop cooperation. And we promote useful alphas that advance the genes of the group against other groups instead of the genes of just the alpha by that strategy. This then advances our ability to hunt cooperatively and rapidly expand our populations. Haidt separates this ‘liberty’ sentiment from the meritocratic sentiment – which he calls Proportionality as the causal differences in that create what we imprecisely observe as the reciprocity sentiment. And he effectively discounts or eliminates the reciprocity concept as material. As such the correct statements would be:
1 – Kin Selection (genetic preference)
2 – Liberty (defense against tyranny)
3 – Proportionality (meritocratic cooperation)
RELIGION PROVIDES MORAL RULES
I think that we can create a religion out of the western non-Biblical literary narrative. Which is precisely what the Whig theory of history, and Mortimer Adler and others attempted to do with the Great Works. What the English tried to do with revisiting their pagan mythology in the victorian era, and even what the germans tried to do with romanticism under Nietzsche and Wagner. THese are all means of creating celebratory moral systems not dependent upon Abrahamic or Persian/Hindu mysticism. This is the recommendation of de Botton, and others.
EUROPEANS HAD LAW BEFORE ANY MONARCH COULD CREATE A STATE
So they had to work within the framework of roman law that was resurrected and promoted by the church.
DEMOCRACY ORIGINATED OCCURRED BY ACCIDENT
He says that the way that democratic institutions happend in england was unique and because of that, not useful for developing countries: The king had to go to a particular feudal institution consisting of nobles to raise taxes. The struggle between the estates and the monarchy over this balance of powers was constant. The english accident was unique. It won’t be replicated. But it was the beginning of accountable government. Populations constrain the king.
WHERE HE MISSES THE CAUSE: MARTIAL TRADITIONS
My problem is that he doesn’t see this balance of powers as a unique strategy whose roots were in western martial tactics (as stated by many others.) So Fukuyama troubles me because he sees the democratic polity as being served by a legitimate government, rather than all government are totalitarian and that the only form of regulation is actually the balance of powers, and that democracy is a freak accident and a net negative compared to the balace of power between social classes created by multiple houses of government each of which has different powers and each of which represents the interets of different social classes.
REPAIRING CONGRESS
Fukuyama suggests that we should have more special committees and then the packages are voted up or down without amendments. He suggests that this would discourage special interests and pork. (I agree, but I’m not sure what it would lead to except more rapid implementation of even more interference. And I”m not sure we really need representative government.
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About

Curt Doolittle
Seattle, WA, United States
I am an independent theorist of Political Economy in the Conservative Libertarian tradition. And as a methodological Propertarian I attempt to complete the work of Rothbard and Hoppe by suggesting post-democratic political solutions for heterogeneous polities.Purpose
"De Philosophia Aristocratia"
Anglo Conservatism is the remnant of the European Aristocratic Manorial system and the Classical Liberal philosophy of the Enlightenment, combined with our ancient tribal instincts for group persistence and land-holding. It currently consists as a set of sentiments rather than as an articulated rational philosophy. And without that rational articulation, conservatives lack the ability to create and promote a plan that is a positive and rhetorically defensible alternative to the hazards of accidental bureaucracy and purposeful socialism.This lack of an articulated philosophy leaves conservatives vulnerable in the public debate with Schumpeterian public intellectuals whose advantage in both volume of production, and simplicity of argument poses a nearly insurmountable challenge.
Libertarianism by contrast, is a rational philosophy of an articulate but permanent minority. It is based upon a solid, rational and critical methodology, even if it is flawed in its initial assumption: the principle of non-violence.
Unfortunately the Rothbardian Anarchist movement has appropriated the term "Libertarian", and left Classical Liberals and Conservatives alienated from the only system of thought with which they need to articulate their political sentiments in rational and empirical rather than moralistic and sentimental form.
By repairing the flaws in Libertarian philosophy we can use its methodology to provide a rhetorical solution for conservatives - a language which in turn may become an articulated philosophical body of argument and advocacy for the frustrated conservative majority.
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I’m a fan of Olsen’s stationary bandit hypothesis. As opposed to Fukuyama it indicates that those with the force monopoly aren’t actually constrained by the populace, this is just a popular narrative device. Instead they are mainly constrained mostly by the security of their position. Alternatively, one could say that their rent seeking is constrained by risk.
Can you point me to it? Love to look at it. Fukuyama is trying to justify social democratic government I think. I can’t really be sure I’m reading preferences or pandering -thanks.
it’s mainly from his book Power and prosperity though Fukuyama cites his essay “Dictatorship, Democracy, and Development” which is available here: http://www.iris.umd.edu/download.aspx?ID=ebde8759-263c-46b4-8117-dd1f39fea3ff
note I haven’t read that essay myself, not sure if it contains a decent summary.
I’m reading it right now.
Anyone whose premise starts with Banfield has got to have something useful to say. :)
I tend to think of it in these terms: We all ‘cheat’. It’s an evolutionary necessity by which we promote our genes. The bandits, the stationary bandit, the rent-seeker, and redistributionist are all ‘cheating’. They may be cheating for material reasons, for opportunity or relationship reasons, or for status signaling reasons, but people all cheat.
The thing is, that cheating is only possible if assets and transfers are incalculable. The moment they become calculable, the data itself serves to remove the anonymity which makes cheating possible.
The problem with the ‘commons’ is that by creating a commons we create a circumstance where transfers are incalculable, and therefore we encourage people to cheat. We create incentives for them to cheat.
This is the value of our business arrangements,where we assume cheating is universally bad. To prevent cheating we establish contracts. We avoid the problem of the commons.
Taxes are a ‘common’ contributions are calculable, but causality is lost as soon as they are aggregated under some number.
Interest on investments, revenue from particular investments, and the cost of particular programs by individual, are all calculable. They have mutually beneficial purposes and mutually beneficial ends, and they discourage cheating.
Laws are a common. They pool and launder money and information and they encourage cheating. Contracts are not. Laws are incalculable. Contracts are calculable, discourage cheating and solve the information problem created by the natural anonymity that comes from complexity.
(Now I’m going to go read that essay.)