Krugman Watch: Culture Is A Status Economy
The assertion that Europe’s crisis proves that the welfare state doesn’t work comes from many Republicans. … The idea, presumably, is that the crisis countries are in trouble because they’re groaning under the burden of high government spending. But .. the nations now in crisis don’t have bigger welfare states than the nations doing well — if anything, the correlation runs the other way. Sweden, with its famously high benefits, is a star performer… Meanwhile, before the crisis … spending on welfare-state programs … was lower, as a percentage of national income, in all of the nations now in trouble than in Germany… Oh, and Canada … has weathered the crisis better than we have.
( Sweden is a small homogenous protestant germanic country. It is an outlier. )
No one argues that highly redistributive societies are possible. We argue that large redistributive empires are impossible. This impossibility is caused by the fact that the social ‘economy’ that consists of opportunities, habits, manners, ethics and morals consists of a set of ‘costs’ that people must bear by ‘forgoing opportunity for privatization’. This forgone opportunity economy’s currency is status and this status economy rewards people for paying the fees of forgone opportunities. Money is the tool by which people pursue status by competing in the market.
In any economy, racial and cultural (linguistic) diversity creates diverse sets of status signals cause economic competition that discourages redistribution.
Therefore a redistributive economy can only persist in a homogenous society.
And a rich, redistributive economy is only LIKELY to persist in a country where people are homogenous — culturally and racially. So, all external factors being equal, because of signaling, all empires are under constant pressure to fragment into tribes, and all tribes are under pressure to develop competitive institutions. Nationalism then is a prerequisite for wealth and redistribution.
As Taleb states, the Levantines thought they were special too. Until there weren’t enough christians… Germanic protestants resent Northern germanic-italians resent souther greco-italians.
And public intellectuals resent the status of both politicians and entrepreneurs and seek to alther the status economy for their benefit — just as Schumpeter said they would. :)
About

Curt Doolittle
Seattle, WA, United States
I am an independent theorist of Political Economy in the Conservative Libertarian tradition. And as a methodological Propertarian I attempt to complete the work of Rothbard and Hoppe by suggesting post-democratic political solutions for heterogeneous polities.Purpose
"De Philosophia Aristocratia"
Anglo Conservatism is the remnant of the European Aristocratic Manorial system and the Classical Liberal philosophy of the Enlightenment, combined with our ancient tribal instincts for group persistence and land-holding. It currently consists as a set of sentiments rather than as an articulated rational philosophy. And without that rational articulation, conservatives lack the ability to create and promote a plan that is a positive and rhetorically defensible alternative to the hazards of accidental bureaucracy and purposeful socialism.This lack of an articulated philosophy leaves conservatives vulnerable in the public debate with Schumpeterian public intellectuals whose advantage in both volume of production, and simplicity of argument poses a nearly insurmountable challenge.
Libertarianism by contrast, is a rational philosophy of an articulate but permanent minority. It is based upon a solid, rational and critical methodology, even if it is flawed in its initial assumption: the principle of non-violence.
Unfortunately the Rothbardian Anarchist movement has appropriated the term "Libertarian", and left Classical Liberals and Conservatives alienated from the only system of thought with which they need to articulate their political sentiments in rational and empirical rather than moralistic and sentimental form.
By repairing the flaws in Libertarian philosophy we can use its methodology to provide a rhetorical solution for conservatives - a language which in turn may become an articulated philosophical body of argument and advocacy for the frustrated conservative majority.
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